現代民俗学会The Society of Living Folkloreは民俗学に関心をもつ多様な人々で構成され、定期的な研究会の開催と『現代民俗学研究』誌の刊行を主な事業として民俗学の尖鋭化･実質化･国際化に取り組んでいます

pp. 3-24.

　This paper traces the contexts and trajectories of theoretical resources appropriated by Japanese folk religion or belief systems, particularly the notion of tsukimono, which is literally, yet unsatisfactorily, translated as ‘spirit possession’ in Japanese folkloric and cultural anthropological studies. In this paper, I consider recent studies in this field, including several of my own studies on Sado Island in Niigata Prefecture. I drew inspiration from Kondo’s (2013) concept of grappling with the ‘agency of the animal’. In addition, I explored the possibilities and appropriateness of applying Gell’s (1998) concept of ‘abduction’ in ‘art nexus’ to the field of folk religion. Furthermore, the relationship between theory and fieldwork are discussed, and emphasis is placed on the postcolonial shift in anthropology, which highlights the experience, voice, and meanings of indigenous peoples, as well as the researchers who work among them.

pp. 25-38.

　This paper is a reply to Kiyoshi Umeya’s criticism on my 2013 paper. First, close reading of Takatoshi Ishidzuka’s work reveals that his view on post-war expansion of “tsukimono-suji”-related martial discrimination is influenced by the idea of impaired cultural survival. Ishidzuka concludes that people are not afraid of supernatural power of “tsukimono-suji” lineages or animal spirits, but they are afraid of peer pressure, which made them unable to stop martial discrimination. Second, Masanobu Kagawa’s “Culturally-institutionalized Story-Generating Device” should be carefully reexamined before being applied to analyze the relationship between snake spirits and a family in Okinoshima Town, Shimane Prefecture. This is because Kagawa does not provide enough support for the inter-generational transmission of the local magico-religious beliefs beyond the generation of people who grew up before Rapid Economic Growth. Third, I reiterate the process in which my 2013 paper was conceived in reference to contemporary Oki Islanders’ negative attitudes toward magico-religious explanations. My 2013 paper was an attempt to understand the local situations where some people openly question the supernatural potency of animal spirits, while some seem to take it seriously. In the last chapter, the research strategies of “living folklore of animal worship” will be examined in relation to the conventional approach to “animal worship.” While the conventional approach was interested in reconstructing the original and authentically Japanese “animal worship” through various contemporary and documented examples, the new approach targets a contemporary example and tries to explain why certain people retained the relevance of animal spirits to their life.

pp. 39-54.

　本論文は福井県の山村をフィールドとし、高度経済成長期における一家族の生産活動と消費活動について明らかにしたものである。具体的には、A家の夫妻が記した一年間（1963年）の日記と家計簿を資料とし、分析を行った。
　分析結果は、以下の3点に要約される。（1）家族内分業は現金収入の獲得へと特化していた。（2）消費とマクロな社会経済的背景の連関は、市街での買い物リズムと失業保険制度との結びつき、サービス・娯楽の場における選択的な消費の態度、年末の過ごし方に見られた。（3）儀礼食の消費、高度経済成長期に特徴的な食品・嗜好品の消費、町場における買い物のいずれにおいても消費の実践は社会関係に埋め込まれ、その社会関係は家族を中心としていた。
以上の分析結果は、従来の生業研究や経済研究において注目が不十分であった日常的な消費について詳細に記述したものであり、マクロな社会経済的背景との連関や、ミクロな社会関係の中で消費を捉えた点に意義があると考える。

　This paper investigates the production activities and household consumption patterns of a single household during Japan’s postwar period of rapid economic growth. In order to delineate their modes of livelihood and consumption, I analyzed a diary that includes income and expense data during the year 1963. It was written by the husband and wife of a household (A) involved in shifting cultivation in a Fukui prefecture village.
　As a result, three key points were determined: First, the division of family labor was specialized in order to earn cash income. Second, their pattern of consumption relates to the macro-scale political economy as seen in examples of shopping that depended on unemployment insurance payment cycles, choices of services and entertainment, and the way to spend time on New Year’s Eve. Third, consumption practices were embedded in local social relationships, especially family, as seen in the examples of the consumption of both ritual foods and novel foods as well as trips made to shop in larger urban center.
　These results suggest that studies of “economy” within folklore ought to pay more attention to modes of consumption. By doing so, researchers can focus on individual or family consumption as it relates to micro-scale social relationships and macro-scale political economy.

pp. 59-72.

　本論文は一民俗芸能で起こる、真正性の語りやその伝承を維持する機能を明らかにしようとするものである。対象とする民俗芸能はおわら風の盆である。
　この民俗芸能は観光資源として活用され大きく成功している。そして、その伝承は町の保存会組織により行われている。保存会では地域による伝承を根本に置き、そのために後継者不足の問題もあるが、あくまでも八尾町民による伝承を目指し活動を行っている。一方、伝承の在り方の違いから、別団体を擁立し伝承活動を行う団体が存在する。その団体では、自らの伝承を「本来の型」と呼び、芸の洗練を行うことが真正性となっている。そして、そのために技能審査会や「品」といった評価尺度を用いることでその伝承を維持する機能としている。彼らは全国各地の人々で構成されており、保存会のような地域にこだわった伝承を行わない。しかし、八尾に住む人々や観光客には保存会と同様に受け入れられている。今後、民俗芸能研究において地域性とは何かを改めて議論していく必要があるだろう。

　This paper makes explicit the authenticity and functions for maintaining the traditions of one traditional folk entertainment group. The folk entertainment is “Owara Kaze no Bon” of Yatsuo Town, Toyama Prefecture.
　Folk entertainment has been very successful as a tourist attraction. The traditions are carried on by a preservation society organization in the town. The problem for the preservation society is that it is short of successors, but it works hard to conduct activities that are rooted in the people of Yatsuo Town themselves. On the other hand, there is another group, which split off from the preservation society due to opposition to changes in the traditions. This group calls its own traditions “an original model.” They claim authenticity by refining the performance. Importance is placed on hin (quality of performance) in the skill examinations, and this acts as the function for maintaining the quality of performances. The group consists of people from all over Japan who are not from one locality, as are the preservation society. However, they are accepted as a preservation society by residents living in Yatsuo Town and by tourists. It is necessary to carry out research on folk entertainment by taking a fresh look at what we mean by regional characteristics.

pp. 77-91.

　この論文は、歴女の文化的行為についての共感的批評である。これまで一般的に、「歴女」とは、「歴史的人物に過度に思い入れするナイーブな歴史マニア女性」と考えられて来たが、それは事実と異なる。「歴女」の実態は多様であり、安易に概括することはできない。コスプレファンが誤って「歴女」とみなされる例や、世間と異質な歴史観を持つ男性が、あえて自ら「歴女」（歴男）を名乗る例もある。
　一部の「歴女」は、フィールドワーク重視のアマチュア歴史家である。しかし、彼らの巡礼めいた行動はしばしば、アカデミックな「歴史学」に向けた、素人のロマンチックな反発に動機付けされる。聖地巡礼を通じて権威的な「通説」を否定し、自分だけの「歴史の真実」を見つけようとするのである。
　しかし他の日本人の若者と同様、「歴女」の感性はポストモダン化されている。彼らは、共感を重視するといいながら、歴史的人物の無際限のパロディ化にも従事するのである。それがどれほど共感的に見えようと、歴女の行動は現代的な消費文化の一部だ。ようするに歴女の文化的行為は、歴史科学の権威者への受動的な抵抗でもあると同時に、オタク的な消費行動でもある。

　This paper is intended as a sympathetic critique of the cultural activities of Rekijyo–Japanese history buffs. A rekijyo is regarded as a female enthusiast who has an obsessive interest in historical figures. Some rekijyos are males, in which case they are often called rekidan. Rekijyos throw themselves into touring historical sites like palaces, temples, graves, and castles, as if they are on a pilgrimage. Sometimes they wear costumes there to portray a certain historical character or role.
　A rekijyo is also a self-educated amateur historian who attaches great importance to fieldwork. Their pilgrim-like activity is somewhat related to a romantic reaction to their academic or educational history. It is a way for them to resist the formal, dry and unemotional discourse on history that they experienced when they were younger. They prefer to empathize with their favorite historical characters than to analyze them. However, just like other Japanese youth, rekijyo culture is excessively postmodernized. Rekijyo also engage in an endless deformation and imitation of persons from history. Even though their view of history is based on empathy, their behavior is rooted in modern consumerism. Rekijyo culture is merely otaku consumption, but it is also a form of passive resistance against those who set themselves up as authorities on history.

pp. 95-112.

　1980年代末以降、中国の地方社会では、宗族という伝統的な男系出自の親族集団や、同姓の人々から構成される組織である宗親団体を再興しようとする動きがみられるようになった。この動きは広東・福建・安徽など、1950年代以前に宗族が発達していた地域の漢族社会において盛んであり、これらの地域では「祠堂」の建造、「族譜」の編纂などが活発に行われている。この「宗族再興」の動きが漢族社会ばかりではなく、漢族と隣接して居住している少数民族社会にも波及していることである。本稿は貴州省に居住しているプイ族龍氏一族の宗族形成の事例を取り上げ、漢族社会で今日活発化している宗族再興の動きが少数民族社会にいかなる影響を与えているのかを考察し、中国社会における宗族再興の新たな側面を明らかにしていく。この龍氏一族の宗族再興への参加を考察するためには、現代社会におけるプイ族の「漢化」という視角からのアプローチが必要であると考える。本稿は、歴史的経緯を踏まえつつ、プイ族の「漢化」を、漢族との「共生」を模索する過程として再検証し、「漢化」がプイ族の側からみてどのような意味を持つのかという点を検討し、現代中国社会におけるプイ族の「漢化」の動態とその意味を明らかにすることを試みた。

　In contemporary China, we have seen the revival of lineage called Zongzu (宗族) and clan associations, particularly in the southeastern part of the country. From the late 1980’s, the lineages and clan associations have been actively conducting the establishment of ancestral halls called Citang ( 祠堂) and compiling genealogical books called Zupu ( 族譜), among other activities. In particular, the compilation of Zupu is of primary importance in reviving the lineages and the Han people have been tracing their genealogical roots with great enthusiasm. Before long, this movement spread to ethnic minority societies in China. By focusing on the case of the Long family ( 龍氏) of the Buyi people living in the Guizhou province of China, I will clarify how the current active movement of the lineage revival in the Han people societies influenced ethnic minority societies. Furthermore, I will examine this dynamics from the viewpoint of “sinicization”. Based on these analyses, I will shed light on new aspects of the lineage revival in contemporary China.

pp. 113-128.

　本稿は、近代の民俗学的妖怪研究が前提としてきた存在論的コミットメントを批判的に検討する。学術的な妖怪研究者は、妖怪は超自然的存在であり、妖怪は一般的には実在しない、と想定している。しかし、近代的な研究者のもつ存在論的枠組みを共有しない人々の世界を研究するときの、これらの前提の妥当性は、これまで妖怪研究においてほとんど関心をもたれてこなかった。本稿は、妖怪研究において主流の言説や理論を批判的に検討することにより、研究者が、妖怪を受け入れ共存する人々のパースペクティヴを把握しそこねていたということを指摘する。
　なぜ妖怪研究はこの存在論的コミットメントを前提としてきたのか？　そこには、江戸後期から続く歴史的プロセスがあった。知識人や都市住民らは、徐々に、今で言う「妖怪」が超自然的であり実在しない、と想定するようになっていったのである。19世紀初頭、妖怪の実在性を確保しようとした一部の学者たちは、日本における近代的科学的経験主義の勃興に対して、超自然的な領域を打ち立てようとしていた。さらに、妖怪の超自然性とされるものは、実在を認めない研究者によってもゆるやかに受け入れられていった。本稿はこのプロセスを認識論的切断として捉え、研究者は切断後に生み出された存在論的枠組みをとおしてのみ、さまざまな世界や存在論を理解することができる、と論じる。本稿は、人々が妖怪を受け入れる多様な諸世界を研究者が理解することを可能にする「多元的存在論」モデルを提案する。

　This article critically examines the ontological commitment on which modern folkloristic studies of yōkai (a category of mysterious creatures in Japanese tradition) have been established. Academic yōkai scholars have assumed that yōkai are supernatural beings and that yōkai do not exist in mundane form. However, the adequacy of these assumptions when studying the world of people who does not share the same ontological framework as modern scholars has hitherto been of little concern in yōkai studies. Through critically examining the discourses and theories that have dominated yōkai studies, this article suggests that researchers have failed to understand the perspective of folk who recognize and co-inhabited with yōkai.
　Why have yōkai studies assumed this ontological commitment? There is a historical process continuing from the late Edo period on in which intellectuals and urbanites increasingly assumed what is now called yōkai to be supernatural and unreal. At the turn of nineteenth century, some scholars who sought to affirm the reality of yōkai began to juxtapose the supernatural realm against the backdrop of the rise of modern scientific empiricism in Japan. Furthermore, the presumed supernatural essence of yōkai was a perspective that had also slowly been adopted by disbelieving researchers. This article conceives this process as an epistemological rupture by which researchers can only understand different worlds or ontologies through the ontological framework generated after the rupture. This article proposes a “plural ontology” model that makes it possible for researchers to understand the diverse worlds in which people recognize yōkai.

pp. 129-138.

　出産の場は1950年代までは家庭内出産が主流であったが、1960年代以後は病院出産の比率が急速に高まり、1990年代以降になると、人工的医療介入を伴う出産管理つまり出産の医療化が問題視されるようになった。しかし、病院出産と同じ施設内出産の一つでありながら助産所は、人工的医療介入による出産の対極にあり、産婦が望む自然出産の提供の場である。
　今回、さくらバースの活動内容や出産した女性の聞き取り調査を実施した。そこで、明らかになったのは、子どもを産む側が会陰切開のない自然出産を希求し、インターネットや口コミによってさくらバースを選択していることである。子どもを取り上げる側である開業助産師はこのような産婦の自然出産というニーズに対して、自らの助産技術や指導技術の質を高め、さらに子どもの産声や足型などを出産直後にとるなどのサービスを提供し続けている。
　このことから、自然出産を消費的出産と捉えるならば、出産様式の「自然」は「人工」に対して差別化された商品であり、開業助産師は「自然出産」と母子に対する様々なサービスを提供する担い手として存在し、それはまた少子化という現代における助産所運営の戦略とみなすことができた。

　Until the 1950s, childbirth generally took place in the home. The proportion of hospital childbirths rose rapidly from the 1960s, and from the 1990s birth management associated with artificial medical intervention, the medicalization of birth, came to be seen as an issue. However, while childbirth in a birth center is one form of facility-based birth, as hospital birth is, since it offers the natural birth that women in childbirth seek, it is the opposite of birth with artificial medical interventions.
I have implemented an interview survey with respect to the activities of Sakura Birth and women who have given birth there. It was clear that women about to give birth aspire to a natural birth without perineotomy, and that they are selecting Sakura Birth through information on the Internet or through word of mouth. The practicing midwives who are assisting in the birth are responding to the needs of these women for natural birth by improving the quality of their midwifery and guidance skills, as well as continuing to provide services such as recording the baby’s first cry and footprints immediately after the birth.
Thus if we consider natural birth to be a form of consumer birth, then the “natural” birth mode becomes a commodity differentiated from “artificial” birth. The practicing midwife then becomes the provider of “natural birth” and various other mother-and-child services, and it is also possible to view this as a birth center business strategy in the present era of falling birthrates.