現代民俗学会The Society of Living Folkloreは民俗学に関心をもつ多様な人々で構成され、定期的な研究会の開催と『現代民俗学研究』誌の刊行を主な事業として民俗学の尖鋭化･実質化･国際化に取り組んでいます

pp. 5-16.

　　The purpose of this study is to shed light on the reality of an area of the tanning industry which has been developed mainly by buraku people (modern-day descendants of Japan’s feudal outcast group) but overlooked by conventional folk discrimination research. I reconsider this area by looking at it as an urban district that supports modern industry. I conducted interviews and literature surveys in this area of Sumida-ku, Tokyo, which has had a tanning industry of families and artisans for more than 100 years, but now former factory sites are being re-developed as residential areas and new residents are constantly moving in. The newcomers rarely touch upon the issue of buraku discrimination in the tanning industry, therefore, when there is a complaint from a new resident about the noise and smell of the factory, it is difficult to reconstruct relationships in the community by paying attention to the discrimination of before. However, this region is not the only place where people do not understand each other in this way, so it is urgent for us to study the “now” of a community facing such change.
　　In addition, based on the historical background of the tanning industry I would like to continue to examine how discrimination is involved in relationships with new residents when negotiations can prove to be far from easy.

pp. 17-27.

　　In recent Japanese folklore studies, the need to study sexual minorities has been recognized. The aim of this study is to clarify how male homosexuality began to be an object of prejudice and disgust. In order to illuminate the mechanism of discrimination against male homosexuality, I analyze the discourse around male homosexuality in Kagoshima Prefecture, using materials written in the modern era from a historical point of view. Kagoshima Prefecture is known as a place where male homosexuality (nansyoku) was widely practiced.
　　As a result, three key points emerge. First, sexual relations between men in modern Kagoshima was seen daily by at least some people. Second, however, male homosexuality began to be regarded as “abnormal” rather than “normal” during the period between the Taisho Era and the early Showa Era. Finally, after World War II, male homosexuality in Kagoshima Prefecture started to be treated wholly as a thing of the past, and the view that male homosexuality was “creepy” was established.

pp. 29-39.

　　The purpose of this paper is to examine a method of coexistence based on conflict. The paper makes a distinction between political conflict and conflict in life by arguing that coexistence based on conflict in life is not political with the help of an examination of the importance of such conflict in the work of Illichi and Morris.
　The author discovered the importance of conflict in life by being involved in the Kunitachi Public Hall Coffee House’s activities. There, conflict is evaluated positively rather than negatively. In the coffee house, various citizens are engaged in activities such as sales and recreation regardless of whether or not they have a disability. There are often various conflicts in relation to persons with disabilities, such as over discrepancies in decision making. However, this study shows that people find ways to understand each other through such conflict.
　　Thus, this paper argues that conflict in life arises from situations where it is not easy to synchronize with others, such as those with disabilities. Furthermore, these kinds of conflict should be distinguished from political conflicts.
　　This paper also examines the viewpoints and methods of folklore to handling the above discussion. First, I refer to “Folklore for Liberation” by Keisuke Akamatsu. Next, I refer to recent trends in folklore. From these two discussions, I describe how to consider relationships with others in situations where synchronization is difficult.
In this way, the paper tries to explore the difficulties and wealth in coexistence that arise from conflicts in life.

pp. 47-62.

　本稿では素盞嗚神社の夏祭りおよび2018年に終了したどんつく祭りというふたつの稲取の祭りを通し、祭りにおける性的儀礼の正当化について論じる。
　祭りにおける伝統的な性的儀礼はこれまで豊穣儀礼や厄除けの祈りであるとされてきた。稲取・素盞嗚神社の夏祭りにも、赤痢の根絶のために始まったという「おめんさん」と呼ばれる天狗が男根状の木の棒を持って女性や子供を追いかける儀礼がある。
　一方、同じく稲取のどんつく祭りは1966年に観光客向けのイベント的な祭りとして始まったもので、巨大な男性器型の神輿を担ぐという特徴を持つ。このどんつく祭りのような新しい観光客向けの祭りにおける性的儀礼については伝統的・文化的価値もないと考えられ、ほとんど研究されてこなかった。
　しかし実際のところ夏祭りにおける男根も以前は信仰対象ではなく、「性器の面白さ」の象徴であったことが明らかとなった。本稿では性的儀礼が正当化される経緯を調査し、伝統的か否かで性的儀礼の研究に恣意的な差別意識が生じることの危険性について指摘する。

　　This paper discusses what can justify sexual rituals in festivals, focusing on two festivals in Inatori: the summer festival of Susano-o shrine and the Dontsuku Festival that ended in 2018.
　　Traditional sexual ritual in festival is thought as pray for fertility or warding off evil. The summer festival has a ritual that two tengus called “omen-san” chase women and children with a phallus-shaped wooden stick. This ritual started to pray for eradicating dysentery. People believe the ritual has been held since a long time ago. But actually, the ritual was started in 1927 as “joke”. Thus, the joke can justify religion rituals. The phallus at this festival is not a religious object, but a symbol of the “fun of genitals”.
　　On the other hand, the Dontsuku Festival has been held since 1966 as an event for tourists and it is characterized by carrying a huge phallic-shaped portable shrine. It has been considered that sexual expression in new festivals for tourists like Dontsuku Festival has no cultural value and, therefore, it has hardly been studied. However, the Dontsuku Festival and the summer festival have “fun of genitals” in common. It is necessary to carry out research on sexual ritual without judging if it is “traditional” or not.

pp. 63-78.

　本論文の目的は、現代東京の神輿渡御・神輿パレードにおける神事のありようとはどのようなものかという問いに答えること、そしてこの問いに答えることをとおして、柳田國男の理論「祭から祭礼へ」のその後を考察することにある。そのための事例として、三社祭（東京都台東区）の宮出しと2種類の奉祝系神輿パレードを事例として取り上げる。
　祭りや祭礼がある時代の社会的環境の中でどのように変化してきたのかを分析する先行研究では、現代の祭礼を、産業化にともなって神事が縮小し、イベントが拡大したものとして分析してきた（イベント化論）。しかしながら今日の研究では、東京圏と同様に祭礼やイベントの中で神事や伝統が強調・創造される事例が報告されている（神事化研究）。筆者は対抗論の蓄積と文化研究の知見をふまえて、先行研究や東京圏の祭礼・イベントにおいてみられる神事化現象を、主催者と参加者とのせめぎ合いの結果として分析する。
　現代の三社祭や奉祝系神輿パレードにおいて神事や伝統が強調・創造されている理由は、主催者による祭礼の神聖化の影響である。祭礼の神聖化とは、高尚な意味を強調する言説によって、祭礼の混沌を縮小させ、秩序を達成しようとする戦略をさす。より高尚な意味を持つ行為に参加したい参加者は、この戦略を交渉的な立場から解釈し、大筋で受け入れている。
　以上をふまえ、柳田とイベント化論に対してイベントから「伝統」へと付け加えたい。イベントから「伝統」へとは、イベントが町内だけにとどまらない担い手によって行われる、主催者による神聖化と参加者による受容によって混沌が縮小し、秩序が達成されているものへとなりつつある行為、つまり「伝統」になったことをさす。

　　In this paper we examine the status of mikoshi parades in the contemporary Tokyo metropolitan area and modify the previous theory that festivals in Japan have changed from being rituals to being events. From the 1990s to 2007, the Sanja festival (Taito ward), the most lively, yet violent, festival in the Tokyo metropolitan area, experienced a period where the organizing committee was unable to control events during the festival’s mikoshi parade (a parade in which portable shrines are shouldered around the neighborhood). After two incidents in 2006 and 2007, the discourse that the mikoshi parade is ritual and tradition was born, and through this discourse the festival organization committee tried to regain their control. Likewise, two mikoshi parades celebrating National Foundation Day and the Emperor of Japan were also disrupted. To regain control, the organizing committees of the two parades conducted shinto rituals, which pleased the parade participants because shinto rituals were seen to validate their efforts as important contributions to ritual and tradition. From these mikoshi parades, we conclude that today’s mikoshi parades are characterized by sanctification by organization committees as they try to maintain their administrative control. In this process, the concepts of tradition, ritual, and intangible cultural heritage are often invoked. Thus, festivals in contemporary Japan have not only changed from rituals to events but also from events to traditions.

pp.79-89.

　鹿児島県枕崎市の「1人花嫁」は、夜に行われる簡素な花婿不在の結婚式である。こうした結婚を経験した女性の大半は、今日80歳を超えご高齢だが、8名の方が調査協力者として質問票にお応えくださった。「1人花嫁」という習俗の主たる要因として経済状況があげられよう。この結婚式は「お茶を飲む」と言われるほど質素で、裕福な家では「1人花嫁」は行われなかったという。「1人花嫁」はおそらく1960年代頃に消滅したと語る調査協力者の方がいた。この時期、貧しかった漁民の暮らしは、給料制の導入によって安定へと向かう。枕崎では、例えば旧士族階級の人々は内陸部に住んでいるように、階層の同じ人々が近隣に住み、近隣地域は似たような生活レベルの人からなっていた。おそらく漁民地区に暮らす女性たちにとって、「1人花嫁」は皆そのようにして嫁ぐものだと、ごく自然にこの結婚が受容されていたのであろう。

　　Hitorihanayome in Makurazaki, Kagoshima Prefecture, Japan, refers to a quiet, simple groomless marriage ceremony conducted at night. Most women who experienced such a marriage are now over 80 years old. Eight people were surveyed as respondents to an questionnaire. Economic conditions were mentioned as the primary reason for the custom of hitorihanayome. These wedding ceremonies were so simple that the expression “drink tea” meant a marriage. Notably, wealthy individuals did not participate in hitorihanayome. Some of the respondents said that the custom of hitorihanayome probably disappeared in the 1960s. At that time, the introduction of a salary system brought fishermen's lives to stability. Members of different social classes in Makurazaki resided in different areas, e.g., former members of the samurai class resided in an inland area in groups. Each area comprised residents with similar lifestyles; thus, hitorihanayome was probably accepted as natural by women residing in the town’s fishing part?“That was how it was for everyone.”

pp. 91-100.

　人々を地域社会または地域行事への参加に導くための施策については、民俗学以外の分野で多く論じられてきた。しかし、それらの研究は、熱心な積極的参加者のみを念頭においており、より小規模に、受動的に、単に楽しみのために参加する現実の参加者を捉え損ねているように思われる。
　一方、先行研究は、民俗学がいかに現実の状況を捉えることができるかを示している。中でも1960年代から70年代にかけての団地の研究は、子どもを持つことが地域参加のきっかけとなることを示した。しかしその後、現代民俗学の文脈においては、地域参加の動機やきっかけについての研究は希薄になっている。本論考は、あらためて、地域社会・行事に参加している者はなぜ参加に至ったのか、そしてなぜ参加を継続しているのか、という問いへの答えを模索する。
　先行研究から続くひとつの結論として言えるのは、子どもという要素は引き続いて地域社会参加へのきっかけであり得るが、子どもを持ちさえすれば参加できるわけでもないということである。今日、特に都市郊外においては、人生選択が多様化し、先行研究よりも複雑な状況が生まれていることが明らかになった。
　地域社会の人手不足や参加者の偏りの問題が浮上する中、現実の人々の状況を捉えることができる民俗学の強みを生かし、「なぜある人は参加しているのか／していないのか」を研究することが、ますます重要になると考えられる。本論考は、その道筋の最初の一歩を示すものである。

　　In realms other than folklore, many studies have sought to develop policies to encourage people to join local communities and participate in local events; however, their focus on enthusiastic participation has meant that they have failed to consider real participants who join minimally, passively, and only for fun.
　　Meanwhile, studies have examined how folklore captures real situations. Studies of Danchi (mainly in the 1960s and 1970s) have highlighted that having children gives people opportunities to participate in their local communities. However, after these studies, research examining motives for or opportunities to participate in communities has been scarce in the realm of contemporary folklore. Against this backdrop, this study seeks to answer the following question: Why do participants take part in their communities and why do they remain active?
　　In conclusion, while having children still facilitates community participation opportunities this does not mean that all parents have access to their communities. Nowadays, particularly in the suburbs, people’s diverse life choices make the situation more complicated.
　　Taking community shortcomings and imbalances into consideration, it will be important to examine “why certain people (do not) join in” by way of folklore? that is, by approaching real people. This study takes the first step of this process.